How did Gorbachev come to power? M. s. Gorbachev: years of rule. perestroika, glasnost, collapse of the USSR. Gorbachev's foreign policy How Gorbachev came to power history
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The personal factor, as world history shows, is sometimes decisive when choosing the path of development of a particular country. The idea that if someone other than Gorbachev had been the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee in March 1985 is still very widespread among the Russian population, the Soviet Union would not have collapsed, but would have overcome the crisis and would have successfully developed further. In this regard, the question of great interest among historians is: thanks to what circumstances did Gorbachev find himself in the highest position in the state? To what extent was the historical accident in this particular case a continuation of the historical pattern?
After the death of K.U. Chernenko, M.S. Gorbachev was elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee in March 1985. Regarding this election, a number of historians expressed a common point of view about “an acute struggle in the Politburo, which divided its members into two opposing camps” (See: M. Geller. History of Russia. Seventh Secretary. M., 1996, Book 3, Page 11 -18).
The basis for this assumption, according to many historians, was the following remark by E.K. Ligachev at the 19th party conference in 1988 - “we must tell the whole truth: these were troubled days. There could be completely different solutions. There was such a real danger." In his memoirs, Ligachev continued to insist that “well knowing the situation developing in the upper echelon of power in the last months of Chernenko’s life, I believed and still believe that events could have gone according to a completely different scenario.” He reproached his opponents in this matter, who were trying to present a different version of events, in particular B.N. Yeltsin, for the fact that, due to their status, they could not know all the “events of the behind-the-scenes struggle” and were present only at the Plenum, when the question of Gorbachev’s appointment was already fundamentally decided in a narrow circle of the most influential members of the Politburo (See: Ligachev E.K. Warning. M., 1998, pp. 104-113).
As an alternative, the head of the Moscow city party organization V.V. Grishin was named. N.I. Ryzhkov believes that besides Gorbachev, “there could be no other decisions, no real danger existed!” At the same time, he recognized Ligachev’s great contribution to the election of Gorbachev to the post of General Secretary (See N.I. Ryzhkov, Ten Years of Great Upheavals. M., 1996, p. 75).
The memoirs of M.S. Gorbachev talk about a meeting “face to face” with one of the most influential members of the Politburo - USSR Minister of Foreign Affairs A.A. Gromyko, who headed the “old men” in this highest body of power. It was then, according to historian R. Pikhoya, that “mutual obligations” were given: Gromyko supported Gorbachev as a candidate for general secretary; After his victory, Gorbachev will offer Gromyko the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. On the eve of the plenum, a Politburo meeting was held, at which Gromyko’s speech in support of Gorbachev’s candidacy “became key to the entire course of the discussion” (See: History of public administration in Russia (X-XXI centuries): Reader. M., 2003, pp. 482- 490; Pihoya R.G. The Soviet Union: the history of power. 1945-1991. M., 1998, pp. 448-450). Yakovlev, who was a mediator in unpublicized negotiations between Gromyko and Gorbachev, writes about this in his memoirs: “I know that such a meeting took place. Judging by subsequent events, they agreed on everything” (See: Yakovlev A.N. Twilight. M., 2003, pp. 459-461).
A very unusual version of Gorbachev’s rise to the very top of power was expressed by Viktor Pribytkov, assistant to the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee K.U. Chernenko. In his opinion, it was Chernenko who “entrusted” Gorbachev with the second most important post in the party, it was under Chernenko that Gorbachev “continued” to make a successful career and “no one put obstacles in his way”, it was Chernenko, thanks to the art of apparatus work, who managed to transform a stronger , a young and energetic “competitor” into an “associate, assistant, colleague.” Based on the facts, Pribytkov expresses “suspicions” that Chernenko “disturbed someone so much” that they decided to “hurriedly remove him from the road.” After Chernenko tasted horse mackerel from the hands of USSR Interior Minister Fedorchuk while on vacation in Crimea in 1983, he became seriously ill and “miraculously pulled out.” Then, on the recommendation of Chazov and Gorbachev, Chernenko visited a high-mountain resort, after which his health “completely collapsed”, and died a few months later. According to Pribytkov, the “contender”, i.e. Gorbachev, “was consumed by impatience to have power, to take the reins of power immediately after Andropov” (See: Pribytkov V. Apparatus. St. Petersburg, 1995, pp. 11-17, 170).
Promotion to the highest post in the Soviet Union by M.S. Gorbachev would not deserve special memories if it were not for the constant attempts of this political retiree to again teach Russia how to live.
Gorbachev's entire life path is an endless string of lies, intrigues and betrayals. Let's talk about the intrigue associated with his election as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Let us remember the “five-year period of magnificent funerals”: the deaths of Brezhnev, Andropov, Chernenko. Then everyone was interested in one question: who will be the next Secretary General? Gorbachev categorically denies that there was a fierce battle for the post of party leader after Chernenko's death. According to Gorbachev, these are “just stories, idle speculation,” since he supposedly had no real competitors. However, in reality the situation was not as clear-cut as Mikhail Sergeevich portrays it.
After Brezhnev’s death, Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov, one of the members of the secret triumvirate of the Politburo, stood at the head of the party and state. The Andropov period was a time of great hope for Gorbachev. Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko was then formally considered the “second” person in the Politburo, but Andropov made Gorbachev the real “second” by entrusting him with leading meetings of the Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee. In addition, Mikhail Sergeevich was “cared for” by another member of the triumvirate, the powerful Minister of Defense Dmitry Fedorovich Ustinov. The third member of the triumvirate, Foreign Minister Andrei Andreevich Gromyko, then treated Gorbachev with indifference, but with a certain amount of skepticism.
After Andropov's death, difficult times came for Gorbachev. From being an almost officially announced successor to the General Secretary, he found himself “demoted” to ordinary members of the Politburo. At the very first meeting of the Politburo (February 23, 1984) after the election of Chernenko as General Secretary, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR N. Tikhonov objected to the proposal that Gorbachev lead meetings of the Secretariat, and in the absence of the General Secretary, meetings of the Politburo. He was tacitly supported by Chernenko, who did not like Gorbachev.
The controversial issue was resolved only after the intervention of Ustinov, who forced Chernenko to confirm Gorbachev’s right to lead the Secretariat. But the Politburo did not officially make a decision on this, and Konstantin Ustinovich did not allow Gorbachev to occupy Suslov’s office.
Moreover, it is known that Chernenko then agreed to check the Stavropol period of Gorbachev’s work. An investigation team was created.
According to some information, she was personally supervised by V. Chebrikov (head of the KGB) and V. Fedorchuk (chief of the Ministry of Internal Affairs). According to Valery Legostaev, former assistant to the Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee E. Ligacheva: “According to rumors, they quickly dug up materials that have good judicial prospects.” However, due to Chernenko’s infirmity, the matter did not proceed.
Having become General Secretary, Chernenko did not want to enter into an open conflict with Gorbachev, since this meant a conflict with Ustinov. But in the Politburo the counter-offensive against Gorbachev continued. It was headed by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR N. Tikhonov, who was supported by V. Grishin, G. Romanov, V. Dolgikh and M. Zimyanin.
In addition, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine and a very influential member of the Politburo, V. Shcherbitsky, was extremely hostile to Gorbachev. A similar position was held by Politburo member and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan D. Kunaev, who called Gorbachev “this young man.” When he was in Moscow, he never visited him or called him. As we see, Gorbachev had serious opposition in the Politburo.
But Gorbachev also sought to strengthen his position. This was largely facilitated by the renewal of personnel in the Politburo and the Central Committee of the CPSU, carried out by Andropov. Deputy Chairman of the State Planning Committee N. Ryzhkov was then elected Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. The first secretary of the Tomsk regional party committee, E. Ligachev, was appointed head of the key department of the CPSU Central Committee - organizational and party work. The rector of the Academy of Social Sciences, V. Medvedev, took over the post of head of another important department - science and educational institutions.
Instead of Fedorchuk, Andropov appointed his former deputy V. Chebrikov as Chairman of the KGB of the USSR. The First Secretary of the Krasnodar Regional Party Committee, V. Vorotnikov, became the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan G. Aliyev was appointed First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, who, however, had a cold attitude towards Gorbachev.
The most important task that Gorbachev had to solve during the Chernenkov period was the neutralization of possible contenders for the post of General Secretary. There were three of these in the Politburo: Gromyko, Grishin and Romanov.
For the first time, 73-year-old USSR Foreign Minister Gromyko announced his claims to the post of head of the party after the death of Suslov.
Then, in a telephone conversation with Andropov, he tried to probe Yuri Vladimirovich’s position regarding his move to the position of “second” instead of Suslov. Gromyko knew very well that the “second” always has the greatest chance of becoming “first”. But Andropov responded with restraint that the solution to this issue was Brezhnev’s competence. Having become General Secretary, Andropov, in order to somehow reassure Gromyko, made him First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.
Former KGB chairman V. Kryuchkov, in the book “Personal Business...”, cites his conversation with Gromyko in January 1988. Andrei Andreevich then noted that in 1985, after Chernenko’s death, comrades from the Politburo offered him to take the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Gromyko refused, but in 1988, noting the dangerous processes that had begun in the state, he noted with regret: “Maybe it was my mistake.”
The ambitious plans of the 70-year-old first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee, Viktor Vasilyevich Grishin, despite the scandal with bribes in trade (the case of the director of the Eliseevsky store Sokolov), were also not a secret. But the most obvious contender for the post of General Secretary was the former first secretary of the Leningrad City Committee of the CPSU, 60-year-old Grigory Vasilyevich Romanov. By 1984, the scandal with the wedding of his daughter, which allegedly took place in the Tauride Palace, had already been forgotten (today it is known that it was a lie).
By this time, Romanov had already become secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and had every chance to take the post of General Secretary. He was well prepared professionally, had organizational skills, and knew how to bring the assigned work to the end.
But many in the Politburo and the Central Committee were frightened by his rigidity and demands. Nevertheless, Romanov’s position during the Chernenkov period was no less strong than Gorbachev’s.
At the October (1984) Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, Romanov appeared next to Chernenko. At the negotiations with the Mongolian delegation that followed the Plenum, he also sat next to Chernenko and actually conducted the negotiations. However, Romanov suddenly faded into the background. They say that he unexpectedly placed his bet on the first secretary of the Moscow city party committee, V. Grishin.
It is difficult to say how close this is to the truth, but during the election campaign for the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (elections took place on February 24, 1985), Grishin began to regularly appear on television screens next to the weak Chernenko. Abroad, they immediately concluded that “the next intermediate-compromising figure at the top of the Kremlin Olympus will be Grishin.” The version that Chernenko saw Grishin as his successor is quite real.
Surprisingly different. Romanov, at the end of February 1985, in the midst of the struggle for the post of General Secretary, when Chernenko was living his last days, decided to fly to Lithuania to rest. No researcher has yet been able to rationally explain this act of Romanov. The fact is that the Politburo’s dacha was located on the Curonian Spit near the village of Nida. To get to the Klaipeda ferry crossing we had to drive 60 km along a narrow winding road. After the ferry, it is another 20 km to Palanga airport (a resort in Lithuania). It took a lot of time to get there. If there were problems with the ferry, then you could get stuck on the spit.
Chernenko died on March 10, 1985 at 19:20. Romanov probably received the news of the General Secretary’s death quite quickly and decided to immediately fly to Moscow. They tried to delay his flight to Moscow due to extremely bad weather, but Romanov managed to convince the crew to fly. During takeoff, a strong gust of wind almost threw the plane into the sea. Meters and moments separated the crash from disaster, but the pilot managed to right the car.
The then first secretary of the Klaipeda City Committee of the Communist Party of Lithuania, Ceslovas Slizius, who saw off Romanov at the Palanga airport, told me about this in those years.
It is clear that Romanov, risking his life, did not rush to Moscow in order to support Gorbachev’s candidacy.
By the way, I subsequently met an employee of Palanga Airport, who fully confirmed the words of Shlijus.
In this situation, Romanov’s behavior at the Politburo meeting that took place after Chernenko’s death remains a mystery. According to the official protocol, he unconditionally supported Gorbachev. It is officially stated that the meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, dedicated to the nomination of a new leader of the CPSU, began at 14.00 hours on March 11, 1985. However, there is evidence that the first meeting of the Politburo took place 2 hours 40 minutes after Chernenko’s death, i.e. 22:00 March 10, 1985. This time is called by Nikolai Ivanovich Ryzhkov, at that time the Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, a participant in this meeting. It was convened on the initiative of Gorbachev.
There is no clear information about what happened at this first meeting. According to the testimony of General M. Dokuchaev, deputy head of the 9th Directorate of the KGB, who ensured the security of senior party and state Soviet leaders, Romanov was the first to speak at this meeting. He referred to Chernenko’s will and proposed Grishin’s candidacy. Gromyko objected to this, saying that we would have enough of carrying coffins, and insisted on Gorbachev’s candidacy. This proposal passed with a majority of one vote.
The reality of such a development of events is evidenced by the fact that Gorbachev’s closest associate A. Yakovlev wrote in his memoirs that “Chernenko’s inner circle was already preparing speeches and a political program for Grishin.”
Allegedly, a list of the new Politburo was even compiled, in which Gorbachev did not appear.
Gorbachev, in his memoirs, does not mention the Politburo meeting on March 10 at all, but talks about “one vote.” He writes: “And if I get through with only, as they say, 50 percent plus one vote or something like that, if the election does not reflect the general mood, I will not be able to solve the problems that arise.” Probably, the preliminary vote on his candidacy on March 10 will be remembered for a long time by Mikhail Sergeevich.
There is also a version that disputes in the Politburo arose at the stage of discussing the candidacy of the chairman of the commission for organizing Chernenko’s funeral. According to tradition, this person became the next Secretary General. Allegedly, Grishin proposed Tikhonov’s candidacy. The majority supported Grishin's proposal, but Gromyko intervened and suggested Gorbachev. In the end, Andrei Andreevich managed to convince his colleagues in favor of Gorbachev.
However, there is another version according to which Grishin was immediately proposed for the post of General Secretary. But KGB Chairman Chebrikov opposed this. After the debate, Grishin recused himself, but proposed Romanov instead. However, they remembered that Nicholas II was also a Romanov and the people might not understand... Then Gromyko stood up and convinced everyone that there was no candidate except Gorbachev. This is how the issue of the General Secretary was resolved.
I believe that each version has a right to exist. I can’t believe that such a complex issue, given the balance of power that emerged under Chernenko, would be resolved as simply and unambiguously as Gorbachev and his supporters write about it. Yegor Kuzmich Ligachev hinted at the difficulties in electing Gorbachev at the 19th party conference in July 1988, for which he immediately lost his status as the “second” person in the Politburo.
There is no doubt that in March 1985, several meetings of the Politburo took place, including the “narrow circle” of the Politburo regarding the candidacy of the future Secretary General. And only after the rivals had used all their arguments and homemade preparations, when it became clear which side was winning, everyone decided to “surrender” to the mercy of the winner.
The main factors that ensured Mikhail Sergeevich’s victory were relative youth and an opportunistic position. Once again, as in the situation with the election of Chernenko, Politburo members chose to bet on the most convenient candidate.
As a result, there were unanimous exclamations in support of Gorbachev, which were reflected in the final version of the protocol.
Doubts about the version of the uncontested election of Gorbachev are strengthened by the contradictions and inconsistencies contained in the minutes of the Politburo meeting of March 11, 1985. An analysis of the contents of this protocol was carried out by a former employee of the CPSU Central Committee, publicist Nikolai Zenkovich. He found out that Gorbachev, summing up the discussion of the first issue regarding the candidacy of the General Secretary, noted that the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, at which the head of the party would be elected, would take place in 30 minutes. Based on the protocol and the “unanimous” support of the Politburo members for Gorbachev’s candidacy, then the consideration of the first issue lasted no more than 30 minutes. That is, the Plenum should have started at 15:00 at the latest.
However, the protocol sets the start time of the Plenum at 17.00. This indicates that the discussion of the first question lasted not 30 minutes, but two and a half hours. Here it is difficult to talk about the initial unanimous support for Gorbachev’s candidacy, as reflected in the protocol.
When discussing the third question, inconsistencies are again evident. The Politburo decided to inform the Soviet people via radio and television about Chernenko's death on March 11 at 14.00. But the decision itself was made, according to the protocol at 16:00. 30 min. the same March 11th.
It is clear that the protocol recorded not the real, but the adjusted course of the Politburo meeting.
Versions vary, but officially all members of the Politburo, in the end, unanimously spoke in favor of Gorbachev. It was decided to submit his candidacy for consideration at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, which began on March 11, 1985 at 17.00. Gromyko, on instructions from the Politburo, proposed Gorbachev’s candidacy for the post of General Secretary. Gromyko's authority at that time was indisputable. As a result, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev was unanimously, without any discussion, elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.
The success of Gorbachev's election, first of all, was predetermined by the incredible efficiency with which Gorbachev and his supporters held meetings of the Politburo and the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. The opponents did not even have time to come to their senses, and Gorbachev, just 22 hours after Chernenko’s death, took his place. This has never happened in the history of the CPSU and the USSR.
A huge role in Gorbachev’s nomination was played by his supporters: E. Chazov, V. Chebrikov, E. Ligachev and A. Gromyko. In his book “Rock,” the head of the 4th Main Directorate of the USSR Ministry of Health, Evgeny Ivanovich Chazov, stated that Chernenko, even after becoming General Secretary, had no idea about his friendly relations with Gorbachev. Probably, thanks to Chazov’s timely information, the Gorbachevites were able to ensure the arrival in Moscow of a number of Central Committee members from distant regions of the country already on the afternoon of March 11.
As a result, the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee was able to begin work just 21 hours and 40 minutes after the death of K. Chernenko. Such efficiency could be ensured only if the date and time of the Secretary General’s death were reliably predicted. But most importantly, Chernenko’s death again came at the right time.
Romanov ended up in the Baltic states. Gorbachev's main opponent, V. Shcherbitsky, on Gromyko's initiative, was sent on a visit to the United States. Vladimir Vasilyevich’s position on the Politburo could unite Gorbachev’s opponents. According to Y. Ryabov, then Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, the plane on which Shcherbitsky was returning to Moscow was detained at the New York airport under minor pretext, and Vladimir Vasilyevich did not make it to the Politburo meeting. Shcherbitsky received the news of Gorbachev’s election as General Secretary on board the plane.
Gorbachev's former assistant, and later head. The General Department of the CPSU Central Committee, Valery Boldin, in an interview with the Kommersant-Vlast newspaper (05/15/2001), stated that the delay of Shcherbitsky’s flight at the New York airport “was organized by Chebrikov’s guys from the KGB. It was more difficult to carry out his election at the plenum of the Central Committee. I had a confidential relationship with the regional committee secretaries, and they said frankly that they knew little about Gorbachev, and what they did know, God forbid. But still, there was an understanding that it was impossible to elect the fourth old man in a row as general secretary.”
A huge amount of work to promote Gorbachev’s candidacy for the post of General Secretary was carried out by the then head of the department of organizational and party work and Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Ligachev.
By the time of the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, he managed to replace 70% of the first secretaries of regional and regional committees with his own people, ready to carry out any of his instructions. The same Boldin said that Ligachev “phoned regional committee secretaries at night before the plenum. But something else was more important. The Central Committee apparatus was behind Gorbachev. And this means that the first place received information in the manner Gorbachev needed. What rule applies here? Whoever put the information into the right ear first is right. Only the Central Committee had an encryption machine.”
The position of the oldest and respected member of the Politburo, A. Gromyko, was decisive for the election of Gorbachev. Probably, by 1985, Andrei Andreevich began to be overwhelmed by thoughts about how his almost half-century of service to the Fatherland would end: a modest funeral of an ordinary Soviet pensioner, as was the case with A.N. Kosygin, or a pompous ceremony at the Kremlin wall.
As was said, his attempt after Suslov’s death to break through to the party Olympus ended in failure. Trying to do this again after Chernenko’s death was practically pointless. Gromyko treated Gorbachev quite indifferently for a long time. But literally a week before the Plenum, he spoke negatively about Gorbachev. And suddenly such a metamorphosis. What caused it?
As it turned out, using the moment, Gromyko tried to resolve his claims to power. On the eve of Chernenko’s death, Gromyko instructed his son to contact A. Yakovlev, known for his informal connections with Gorbachev, with a view to receiving the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the USSR Armed Forces in exchange for Gorbachev’s nomination to the post of General Secretary. As a result of negotiations, Gorbachev agreed with Gromyko's proposal.
This is how the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A. Gromyko, for decades (36 years as a member of the Central Committee, 15 of them in the Politburo), adamantly defended state interests in the international arena, in his later life sacrificed these interests in the name of personal ones. Officially, Andrei Andreevich explained his position by saying that he was “tired of funerals.”
In July 1985, Gromyko received the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the USSR Armed Forces. However, literally a year later he became disillusioned with Gorbachev, calling him a “call.”
But one thing is clear: for Gorbachev, even with the support of Gromyko, Chebrikov and Ligachev, everything might not have turned out so rosy if some points from his biography had become public. But that is another story.
Special for the Centenary
March 2 marks the 80th anniversary of the first president of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev. “Vlast” decided to find out who, in the readers’ opinion, the creator of perestroika will go down in history as.
Peter Aven, President of Alfa Bank. Gorbachev came to give us freedom and changed our lives for the better. It’s not a fact that he knew what he was doing, but it turned out well, in my opinion. He made a colossal breakthrough - he renewed the country without bloodshed, without violence.
Alexander Tkachev, Governor of the Krasnodar Territory. The man with whom the greatest geopolitical drama of our time is connected. As a result of a fundamental imbalance in the balance of power in the international arena, he became the “best German”, the best friend of the West, but for the majority of the population of our “big Motherland” his name is associated mainly only with innumerable troubles and irrevocable losses.
Alexander Lebedev, co-owner of the National Reserve Corporation. The embodiment of the Socratic principle that the best should rule. He showed what moral values are at the highest level. This is a person who changed the whole world for the better, and not just the material side of his personal life, as is common among politicians.
Alexander Rahr, director of the Center Berthold Beitz at the German Foreign Policy Council, author of a biography of Gorbachev. The only person living today about whom it can be said that he changed the course of history. In Russia they don’t like him because he destroyed the empire, but he did it at least together with Yeltsin. He is a mystery to me, I still don’t understand whether he foresaw what would happen, whether he really wanted to give the peoples freedom, or whether he was simply too weak.
Mikhail Barkov,Vice President of Transneft.Like many knowledgeable people in the West, I consider Gorbachev narrow-minded, cowardly and money-loving. At a sharp turn in history, he showed himself negatively, although at the beginning of his activity there were bright moments. He had absolutely no idea where he was leading the country.
Nikita Belykh, Governor of the Kirov region. I am grateful to Gorbachev for giving the country freedom. Yes, he made mistakes, but who didn't? Gorbachev really did a lot for the country to change it for the better.
Andrey Ilnitsky, Deputy Chairman of the Central Election Commission of United Russia. This is the first Soviet politician who, in order not to lose the respect of the woman he loved, did not resort to violence. Gorbachev's success story is a love story. Gorbachev considered himself unworthy of his wife and spent his whole life trying to prove to her that she chose him correctly. In the 1980s and 1990s I didn’t have much respect for him, but now I think I understand him, and now I have a lot of respect for him as a person and sympathize with him as a politician.
Mikhail Emelyanov, State Duma deputy (A Just Russia). This is an example of a failed politician. He tried to lead the country during the transition period, but was unable to do so. All his actions led to the collapse of both the system and the country.
Alexander Pochinok, Member of the Federation Council, in 1999-2000 - Minister of Taxes and Duties.The savior of the world, thanks to whom the threat of a third world war became less real. This danger has been a nightmare for decades. With difficulty, but he softened the great confrontation of the bipolar world. And that’s the only reason Gorby will always be remembered. Everyone says: it could have been done better, but why didn’t anyone do it instead?
Vladimir Pekhtin, First Deputy Head of the United Russia faction.I believe that Mikhail Gorbachev is a demagogue and a traitor. To please his own political ambitions, he started “perestroika” and, as a result, shamefully destroyed the country. And now it is important to talk about how effectively the president, the government and United Russia are working. Anyone can criticize and advise, but when Gorbachev had a real opportunity to take care of the well-being of Russia, he not only missed it, but plunged the country into chaos and complete decline. So we still have to sort out the results of his activities.
Grigory Yavlinsky, Member of the political committee of the Yabloko party.The man under whom people received freedom. What they did with her is not a question for him.
Ruslan Khasbulatov, in 1991-1993 - Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation.The man thanks to whom democracy appeared in our country. Neither Yeltsin nor Putin could give this to the country. Although no one will ever forget the huge number of mistakes made by Gorbachev. Not only were his economic reforms a dead end, but they also led to the fact that the powerful state simply ceased to exist.
Vladimir Khotinenko, director.It’s hard to say, too little time has passed since Gorbachev left politics. But the fact that at a certain historical turning point Russia needed it is beyond doubt. Gorbachev did not play any role in my fate, since I never depended on the political situation.
Alexander Kiselev, General Director of Federal State Unitary Enterprise "Russian Post". The most important historical figure of the twentieth century. He played a colossal role in both domestic and world history and has already immortalized his name. In May 1985, his first trip as Secretary General took place - he came to my native Leningrad. I was lucky enough to see Gorbachev at arm's length: he, bypassing the security, went out to people and began to talk to them. This openness made a very pleasant impression on me.
Ilya Yashin, Member of the Solidarity political council bureau. The man who opened borders and changed our entire country. Gorbachev, despite his controversial reforms, gave freedom to millions of people. He has certainly already gone down in history.
Valery Khalilov, Head of the Military Band Service of the Ministry of Defense. A symbol of a bygone era - the collapse of the Union, the collapse of the CPSU and communist ideology. Every fruit has its time, and at that time a man like Gorbachev should have appeared. My attitude towards him is more positive, but there are also disadvantages.
Igor Yurgens, Chairman of the Board of INSOR, Vice-President of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. The man who taught me the word "consensus". Before Gorbachev, it was either abusive or unknown, but he introduced it not only into the political vocabulary, but also into our lives. I know that Gorbachev had options to cling to power to the last, and with greater chances than, for example, current Middle Eastern leaders. But he, based on his idea of consensus, did not do this and minimized violence. For this there is a monument to him.
Alexander Rutskoy, in 1991-1993 - Vice President of Russia. For me, Gorbachev is a man who betrayed his country and his people. Some politicians attribute democratization to him as a merit, but I believe that democracy could have been built without destroying the country.
Ksenia Sobchak, TV presenter. Of course, a man of the era who can be treated differently. He left power, lost the main woman in his life, but remained a man with a capital M. The elite did not accept his reforms, not everything he did, and I understand, but his ideas were filled with idealism, which is much better than the pragmatism and cynicism of our time.
Valery Semenov, Vice Speaker of the Legislative Assembly of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. A person without whom changes in the country would have been impossible and Russia would not have become part of the world community. He gave us freedom to think, move and travel abroad. The only thing that Gorbachev cannot be forgiven for is the collapse of the USSR.
Anatoly Lokot, First Secretary of the Novosibirsk Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.This is a man who deceived the hopes of the people of a great power. With his policies, he led the country first to an economic crisis and then to political collapse. It is noteworthy that he celebrates his birthday not in Moscow or in the Stavropol region, but in London. Because no one needs him here.
Pavel Sigal, vice president entrepreneurial movement "Support of Russia". An outstanding figure who laid the foundation for grandiose reforms in Russia and in the world. Descendants will still appreciate this. And what he did far exceeds what he failed to do.
QUESTION OF A WEEK/SIX YEARS AGO
Why does Russia need a president?
15 years ago, the post of president of the country was established in the USSR. A year later, Russia also had its own president.
Dmitry Yazov, in 1987-1991 - Minister of Defense of the USSR, Marshal of the Soviet Union. That's how fashion is! But the trouble is, we have forgotten: what is good for an American is death for a Russian.
Gennady Seleznev, independent State Duma deputy. Then, why the tsar: Russia cannot live without the top.
Andrey Korkunov, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Odintsovo Confectionery Factory. For respect. I met with all our presidents and felt a certain awe, because before you is a person who personifies all state power and is endowed with colossal capabilities.
Valeria Novodvorskaya, leader of the Democratic Union party. For sadomasochistic purposes, to oppress us and bring us trouble.
Albert Makashov, State Duma deputy (fraction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation). But he is not needed. All of Russia's troubles began with the approval of this post.
Vladimir Voinovich, writer. To serve the people. But if it is beyond the control of society and parliament, then it is hardly needed.
Ivan Dykhovichny,director. And this is the intermediate distance on the way to the emperor.
*Positions are indicated at the time of the survey.
In the village of Privolnoye, Krasnogvardeisky district, Stavropol Territory, in a peasant family. He began his career early, while still at school. During the summer holidays he worked as an assistant combine operator. In 1949, Mikhail Gorbachev received the Order of the Red Banner of Labor for his hard work harvesting grain.
In 1950, Gorbachev graduated from school with a silver medal and entered the law faculty of Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov (MSU). In 1952 he joined the CPSU.
In 1955, he graduated with honors from the Faculty of Law of Moscow State University and was assigned to the Stavropol Regional Prosecutor's Office and almost immediately transferred to Komsomol work.
In 1955-1962, Mikhail Gorbachev worked as deputy head of the agitation and propaganda department of the Stavropol regional committee of the Komsomol, first secretary of the Stavropol city committee of the Komsomol, second, then first secretary of the Stavropol regional committee of the Komsomol.
Since 1962, in party work: in 1962-1966, he was head of the department of organizational and party work of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the CPSU; in 1966-1968 - first secretary of the Stavropol city committee of the CPSU, then second secretary of the Stavropol regional committee of the CPSU (1968-1970); in 1970-1978 - first secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the CPSU.
In 1967, Gorbachev graduated from the Faculty of Economics of the Stavropol Agricultural Institute (in absentia) with a degree in agronomist-economist.
Member of the Central Committee (Central Committee) of the CPSU from 1971 to 1991, since November 1978 - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for Agriculture.
From October 1980 to August 1991, Mikhail Gorbachev was a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee.
On October 1, 1988, with the election of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev also became the formal head of the Soviet state. After the adoption of amendments to the Constitution, the first Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR on May 25, 1989 elected Gorbachev as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR; he held this position until March 1990.
From December 9, 1989 to June 19, 1990, Gorbachev was chairman of the Russian Bureau of the CPSU Central Committee.
On March 15, 1990, at the extraordinary Third Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR - the first and last in the history of the Soviet Union.
In 1985-1991, on the initiative of Gorbachev, a large-scale attempt was made to reform the social system in the USSR, called “perestroika”. It was conceived with the aim of “renewing socialism”, giving it a “second wind”.
The policy of glasnost proclaimed by Gorbachev led, in particular, to the adoption of a press law in 1990, which abolished state censorship. The President of the USSR returned academician Andrei Sakharov from political exile. The process of returning Soviet citizenship to deprived and expelled dissidents began. A broad campaign for the rehabilitation of victims of political repression was launched. In April 1991, Gorbachev signed agreements with the leaders of 10 union republics on the joint preparation of a draft of a new Union Treaty designed to preserve the Soviet Union, the signing of which was scheduled for August 20. On August 19, 1991, Gorbachev's closest associates, including the "power" ministers, announced the creation of the State Committee for a State of Emergency (GKChP). They demanded that the president, who was on vacation in Crimea, introduce a state of emergency in the country or temporarily transfer power to Vice President Gennady Yanaev. After the failed coup attempt on August 21, 1991, Gorbachev returned to the presidency, but his position was significantly weakened.
On August 24, 1991, Gorbachev announced the resignation of the General Secretary of the Central Committee and his withdrawal from the CPSU.
On December 25, 1991, after the signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords on the liquidation of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev assumed the presidency of the USSR.
After resigning, Mikhail Gorbachev created, on the basis of former research institutes under the CPSU Central Committee, the International Foundation for Socio-Economic and Political Science Research (Gorbachev Foundation), which he headed as president in January 1992.
In 1993, Gorbachev, on the initiative of representatives of 108 countries, founded the International Non-Governmental Environmental Organization International Green Cross. He is the founding president of this organization.
During the 1996 elections, Mikhail Gorbachev was one of the candidates for the presidency of the Russian Federation.
Gorbachev was one of the initiators of the creation of the Forum of Nobel Peace Prize Laureates in 1999.
In 2001-2009, he was co-chairman on the Russian side of the St. Petersburg Dialogue Forum - regular meetings between Russia and Germany; in 2010 he became the founder of the Forum for New Politics - a platform for informal discussion of current issues of global politics by the most authoritative political and public leaders from around the world .
Mikhail Gorbachev was the creator and leader (2000-2001) of the Russian United Social Democratic Party (ROSDP) and the Social Democratic Party of Russia (SDPR) (2001-2007), the all-Russian social movement "Union of Social Democrats" (2007), the Forum " Civil dialogue" (2010).
Since 1992, Mikhail Gorbachev has made more than 250 international visits, visiting 50 countries.
General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (1985-1991), President of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (March 1990 - December 1991).
General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (March 11, 1985 - August 23, 1991), first and last President of the USSR (March 15, 1990 - December 25, 1991).
Head of the Gorbachev Foundation. Since 1993, co-founder of New Daily Newspaper CJSC (from the Moscow register).
Biography of Gorbachev
Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev was born on March 2, 1931 in the village. Privolnoye, Krasnogvardeisky district, Stavropol Territory. Father: Sergei Andreevich Gorbachev. Mother: Maria Panteleevna Gopkalo.
In 1945, M. Gorbachev began working as an assistant combine operator together with by his father. In 1947, 16-year-old combine operator Mikhail Gorbachev received the Order of the Red Banner of Labor for high-threshing grain.
In 1950, M. Gorbachev graduated from school with a silver medal. I immediately went to Moscow and entered the Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov to the Faculty of Law.
In 1952, M. Gorbachev joined the CPSU.
In 1953 Gorbachev married Raisa Maksimovna Titarenko, a student at the Faculty of Philosophy at Moscow State University.
In 1955, he graduated from the university and was given a referral to the regional prosecutor's office of Stavropol.
In Stavropol, Mikhail Gorbachev first became deputy head of the agitation and propaganda department of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the Komsomol, then the 1st Secretary of the Stavropol City Komsomol Committee and finally the 2nd and 1st Secretary of the Regional Committee of the Komsomol.
Mikhail Gorbachev - party work
In 1962, Mikhail Sergeevich finally switched to party work. Received the position of party organizer of the Stavropol Territorial Production Agricultural Administration. Due to the fact that the reforms of N. Khrushchev are underway in the USSR, great attention is being given to agriculture. M. Gorbachev entered the correspondence department of the Stavropol Agricultural Institute.
In the same year, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev was approved as head of the department of organizational and party work of the Stavropol rural regional committee of the CPSU.
In 1966, he was elected 1st Secretary of the Stavropol City Party Committee.
In 1967 he received a diploma from the Stavropol Agricultural Institute.
The years 1968-1970 were marked by the consistent election of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev, first as the 2nd and then as the 1st secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the CPSU.
In 1971, Gorbachev was admitted to the CPSU Central Committee.
In 1978, he received the post of Secretary of the CPSU for issues of the agro-industrial complex.
In 1980, Mikhail Sergeevich became a member of the Politburo of the CPSU.
In 1985, Gorbachev took the post of General Secretary of the CPSU, that is, he became the head of state.
In the same year, annual meetings between the leader of the USSR and the President of the United States and leaders of foreign countries resumed.
Gorbachev's Perestroika
The period of the reign of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev is usually associated with the end of the era of the so-called Brezhnev “stagnation” and with the beginning of “perestroika” - a concept familiar to the whole world.
The Secretary General's first event was a large-scale anti-alcohol campaign (officially launched on May 17, 1985). Alcohol prices in the country rose sharply, and its sales were limited. Vineyards were cut down. All this led to the fact that people began to poison themselves with moonshine and all kinds of alcohol substitutes, and the economy suffered more losses. In response, Gorbachev puts forward the slogan “accelerate socio-economic development.”
The main events of Gorbachev's reign were as follows:
On April 8, 1986, at a speech in Togliatti at the Volzhsky Automobile Plant, Gorbachev first uttered the word “perestroika”; it became the slogan of the new era that had begun in the USSR.
On May 15, 1986, a campaign began to intensify the fight against unearned income (the fight against tutors, flower sellers, drivers).
The anti-alcohol campaign, which began on May 17, 1985, led to a sharp increase in prices for alcoholic beverages, cutting down vineyards, the disappearance of sugar in stores and the introduction of sugar cards, and an increase in life expectancy among the population.
The main slogan was acceleration, associated with promises to dramatically increase industry and the well-being of the people in a short time.
Power reform, introduction of elections to the Supreme Council and local councils on an alternative basis.
Glasnost, the actual lifting of party censorship on the media.
Suppression of local national conflicts, in which the authorities took harsh measures (dispersal of demonstrations in Georgia, forceful dispersal of a youth rally in Almaty, deployment of troops to Azerbaijan, unfolding of a long-term conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, suppression of separatist aspirations of the Baltic republics).
During the Gorbachev period of rule there was a sharp decrease in the reproduction of the population of the USSR.
The disappearance of food from stores, hidden inflation, the introduction of a card system for many types of food in 1989. As a result of pumping the Soviet economy with non-cash rubles, hyperinflation occurred.
Under M.S. Gorbachev, the USSR's external debt reached a record high. Gorbachev took out debts at high interest rates from different countries. Russia was able to pay off its debts only 15 years after his removal from power. The USSR's gold reserves decreased tenfold: from more than 2,000 tons to 200.
Gorbachev's politics
Reform of the CPSU, abolition of the one-party system and removal from the CPSU constitutional status of “leading and organizing force”.
Rehabilitation of victims of Stalinist repressions who were not rehabilitated under.
Weakening control over the socialist camp (Sinatra doctrine). It led to a change of power in most socialist countries and the unification of Germany in 1990. The end of the Cold War in the United States is regarded as a victory for the American bloc.
The end of the war in Afghanistan and the withdrawal of Soviet troops, 1988-1989.
The introduction of Soviet troops against the Popular Front of Azerbaijan in Baku, January 1990, the result - more than 130 dead, including women and children.
Concealment from the public of the facts of the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant on April 26, 1986.
In 1987, open criticism of Mikhail Gorbachev's actions began from the outside.
In 1988, at the 19th Party Conference of the CPSU, the resolution “On Glasnost” was officially adopted.
In March 1989, for the first time in the history of the USSR, free elections of people's deputies were held, as a result of which not party henchmen, but representatives of various trends in society, were allowed to power.
In May 1989, Gorbachev was elected chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. In the same year, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan began. In October, through the efforts of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev, the Berlin Wall was destroyed and Germany was reunited.
In December in Malta, as a result of a meeting between Gorbachev and George H. W. Bush, the heads of state declared that their countries were no longer adversaries.
Behind the successes and breakthroughs in foreign policy lies a serious crisis within the USSR itself. By 1990, food shortages had increased. Local performances began in the republics (Azerbaijan, Georgia, Lithuania, Latvia).
Gorbachev President of the USSR
In 1990, M. Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR at the Third Congress of People's Deputies. In the same year, in Paris, the USSR, as well as European countries, the USA and Canada signed the “Charter for a New Europe”, which effectively marked the end of the Cold War, which lasted fifty years.
In the same year, most of the republics of the USSR declared their state sovereignty.
In July 1990, Mikhail Gorbachev ceded his post as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR to Boris Yeltsin.
On November 7, 1990, there was an unsuccessful attempt on M. Gorbachev’s life.
The same year brought him the Nobel Peace Prize.
In August 1991, a coup attempt was made in the country (the so-called State Emergency Committee). The state began to rapidly disintegrate.
On December 8, 1991, a meeting of the presidents of the USSR, Belarus and Ukraine took place in Belovezhskaya Pushcha (Belarus). They signed a document on the liquidation of the USSR and the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).
In 1992 M.S. Gorbachev became the head of the International Foundation for Socio-Economic and Political Science Research (“Gorbachev Foundation”).
1993 brought a new post - president of the international environmental organization Green Cross.
In 1996, Gorbachev decided to take part in the presidential elections, and the socio-political movement “Civil Forum” was created. In the 1st round of voting, he is eliminated from the elections with less than 1% of the votes.
In 1999 she died of cancer.
In 2000, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev became the leader of the Russian United Social Democratic Party and chairman of the NTV Public Supervisory Board.
In 2001, Gorbachev began filming a documentary about 20th-century politicians whom he personally interviewed.
In the same year, his Russian United Social Democratic Party merged with the Russian Party of Social Democracy (RPSD) of K. Titov, forming the Social Democratic Party of Russia.
In March 2003, M. Gorbachev’s book “The Facets of Globalization” was published, written by several authors under his leadership.
Gorbachev was married once. Spouse: Raisa Maksimovna, nee Titarenko. Children: Irina Gorbacheva (Virganskaya). Granddaughters - Ksenia and Anastasia. Great-granddaughter - Alexandra.
The years of Gorbachev's reign - results
The activities of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev as head of the CPSU and the USSR are associated with a large-scale attempt at reform in the USSR - perestroika, which ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union, as well as the end of the Cold War. The period of M. Gorbachev's reign is assessed ambiguously by researchers and contemporaries.
Conservative politicians criticize him for the economic devastation, the collapse of the Union and other consequences of the perestroika he invented.
Radical politicians blamed him for the inconsistency of reforms and the attempt to preserve the previous administrative-command system and socialism.
Many Soviet, post-Soviet and foreign politicians and journalists assessed positively Gorbachev’s reforms, democracy and glasnost, the end of the Cold War, and the unification of Germany. The assessment of M. Gorbachev’s activities abroad of the former Soviet Union is more positive and less controversial than in the post-Soviet space.
List of works written by M. Gorbachev:
"A Time for Peace" (1985)
"The Coming Century of Peace" (1986)
"Peace has no alternative" (1986)
"Moratorium" (1986)
"Selected Speeches and Articles" (vols. 1-7, 1986-1990)
“Perestroika: new thinking for our country and for the whole world” (1987)
“August putsch. Causes and Effects" (1991)
“December-91. My position" (1992)
"Years of Hard Decisions" (1993)
“Life and Reforms” (2 vols., 1995)
“Reformers are never happy” (dialogue with Zdenek Mlynar, in Czech, 1995)
“I want to warn you...” (1996)
“Moral Lessons of the 20th Century” in 2 volumes (dialogue with D. Ikeda, in Japanese, German, French, 1996)
"Reflections on the October Revolution" (1997)
“New thinking. Politics in the era of globalization" (co-authored with V. Zagladin and A. Chernyaev, in German, 1997)
"Reflections on the Past and Future" (1998)
“Understand perestroika... Why is it important now” (2006)
During his reign, Gorbachev received the nicknames “Bear”, “Humpbacked”, “Marked Bear”, “Mineral Secretary”, “Lemonade Joe”, “Gorby”.
Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev played himself in the feature film by Wim Wenders “So Far, So Close!” (1993) and participated in a number of other documentaries.
In 2004, he received a Grammy Award for scoring Sergei Prokofiev's musical fairy tale "Peter and the Wolf" together with Sophia Loren and Bill Clinton.
Mikhail Gorbachev has been awarded many prestigious foreign awards and prizes:
Prize named after Indira Gandhi for 1987
Golden Dove for Peace Award for contributions to peace and disarmament, Rome, November 1989.
Peace Prize named after Albert Einstein for his enormous contribution to the struggle for peace and understanding between peoples (Washington, June 1990)
Honorary Award “Historical Figure” from an influential US religious organization - “Call of Conscience Foundation” (Washington, June 1990)
International Peace Prize named after. Martin Luther King's "For a World Without Violence 1991"
Benjamin M. Cardoso Award for Democracy (New York, USA, 1992)
International Prize "Golden Pegasus" (Tuscany, Italy, 1994)
King David Award (USA, 1997) and many others.
Awarded the following orders and medals: Order of the Red Banner of Labor, 3 Orders of Lenin, Order of the October Revolution, Order of the Badge of Honour, Gold Commemorative Medal of Belgrade (Yugoslavia, March 1988), Silver Medal of the Sejm of the People's Republic of Poland for outstanding contribution to the development and strengthening of international cooperation, friendship and interaction between the People's Republic of Poland and the USSR (Poland, July 1988), Commemorative Medal of the Sorbonne, Rome, Vatican, USA, “Star of the Hero” (Israel, 1992), Gold Medal of Thessaloniki (Greece, 1993), Gold Badge of the University of Oviedo ( Spain, 1994), Republic of Korea, Order of the Association of Latin American Unity in Korea “Simon Bolivar Grand Cross for Unity and Freedom” (Republic of Korea, 1994).
Gorbachev is Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Agatha (San Marino, 1994) and Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Liberty (Portugal, 1995).
Speaking at various universities around the world, giving lectures in the form of stories about the USSR, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev also has honorary titles and honorary academic degrees, mainly as a good messenger and a peacemaker.
He is also an Honorary Citizen of many foreign cities, including Berlin, Florence, Dublin, etc.